Rural and Remote Communities

Despite the wide geographic distribution of rural and remote communities in Canada, they share similar characteristics that influence and mediate their experiences with climate change. For example, rural and remote communities are often geographically isolated; reliant on natural resources for sustenance, livelihoods, and ways of life; and have limited social and physical infrastructure and capacity (e.g., limited access to technology and communication systems, health and education services, supplies, and human resources). At the same time, rural and remote communities often have strong social capital and networks, extensive local and/or Indigenous Knowledge, and high rates of community involvement, which create resiliency and pride (Lemmen et al., 2008). It is important to note that while there are shared priorities, concerns and strengths, rural and remote communities across Canada display a wide diversity of important factors and attributes, including physical geography, culture, economy and demographics. Such factors differentially affect the experiences, responses and capacities of these communities related to climate change impacts and adaptation.

Climate-related changes are occurring alongside other social and economic changes in rural and remote communities, leading to social disruption. Compounding stressors include the adoption of labour-saving technologies to lower production costs in resource industries, and changes in market conditions and international competitiveness due to shifts in global economic policy, such as the expiration of the Softwood Lumber Agreement in 2015 or the 2010 European Union ban on seal skins (Schroth et al., 2015; Reed et al., 2014). New technologies, the rising cost of living, and a growing wage economy in some communities also intersect with climate-related changes and impacts on land-based subsistence activities (Clark et al., 2016b; Pearce et al., 2015).

Other changes compounding the ways in which climate change is experienced in rural and remote communities in Canada include demographic changes (e.g., ageing populations), population growth in many Indigenous communities, and the movement of young adults and retirees to amenity-rich locations. These changes can have negative implications on the rural labour force and available tax base, services and business opportunities, social dynamics, transmission of intergenerational knowledge, and virtually all aspects of community life. From an institutional perspective, rural and remote areas are often disproportionately affected by reductions in government funding for programs and services, and are subject to province- or territory-wide policies that are not well suited to their particular circumstances (Vodden et al., 2019; Dampier et al., 2016). For example, residents of these areas often experience disproportionately more job losses and negative economic consequences resulting from changes to province- or territory-wide energy policy (Dampier et al., 2016). These challenges, combined with frequently changing circumstances, require support at all levels (national, regional, local) to develop and implement strategies for coping, adaptation and resilience in rural and remote areas. Figure 3.1 highlights assets and challenges for rural and remote communities related to climate change adaptation.

Building on past national assessments (Warren and Lemmen, 2014; Lemmen et al., 2008), this chapter synthesizes the state of knowledge on the impacts of climate change in rural and remote communities across Canada. Specifically, this chapter applies a social equity lens to climate and environmental changes, and emphasizes adaptation, strength and resilience in rural and remote communities. While responses at all levels are required, this chapter emphasizes the need for local strategies that are culturally and geographically relevant. Information and perspectives from all provinces and territories in Canada are presented in this chapter. The information included was gathered through a systematic review of published peer-reviewed and broader literature related to climate change in rural and remote communities and areas across Canada; consultation with individuals living, working and undertaking research in these communities; and collaboration with other authors involved in this national assessment. Furthermore, this chapter explicitly incorporates the voices, expertise and knowledge of Indigenous individuals, Elders, organizations and communities, recognizing that many remote areas in Canada include Indigenous communities and First Nations, Inuit and Métis homelands. The chapter concludes with a discussion on knowledge gaps, research needs and emerging issues, and a synthesis of the state of adaptation to climate change in rural and remote communities.

This chapter presents seven key messages on the state of climate change impacts and adaptation across rural and regional communities and areas, as well as a number of short case stories from specific communities. These key messages reflect a series of priority themes that emerged from the literature review and consultations, and by drawing on the expertise of the author team. These priority themes include: enhancing adaptive capacity through knowledge-sharing, collaboration and co-creation; place-based knowledge systems; livelihoods and economy; infrastructure and transportation; health and well-being; identity, culture and society; and governance and institutions. Within these priority areas, it is important to consider how particular characteristics of rural and remote communities may support or hinder effective adaptation to climate change (see Box 3.2).

Canada’s rural and remote communities are home to residents, businesses and organizations that typically depend on climate-sensitive natural resources and ecosystems for their culture, livelihood, transportation and well-being. At the same time, due in part to their geographic location, these communities are experiencing greater impacts from climate change than their urban, and often more southern, counterparts.

As such, rural and remote communities are often characterized as being more vulnerable to climate change than other communities in Canada (Reed et al., 2014). Many rural and remote communities, however, have in the past demonstrated high levels of adaptive capacity and resilience, including in the face of “boom and bust” cycles in market demand for natural resource products and resulting from a history of ongoing colonial legacies and other power relationships that adversely affected them. Inuit communities in Inuit Nunangat, for example, are accustomed to working within changing environments, adapting which species they hunt and when depending on availability, and relying on group memory, intergenerational knowledge-sharing, learned experiences, sharing and trade (see Section 3.4). Continued exposure to climate change over long periods can create “response with learning” capabilities that facilitate adaptation (Pearce et al., 2015). Adaptive capacity is challenged by uncertainty around how climate change will impact specific communities, but many have begun to develop and implement adaptation strategies, drawing on local and Indigenous Knowledge, social networks and practices of flexible resource use (Clark et al., 2016b; Young et al., 2016).

Gathering and sharing information related to climate change impacts and potential responses is critical to adaptation efforts. Recent research highlights the importance of knowledge co-production, drawing from multiple knowledge systems and from knowledge that is experiential and place-based. For example, community-based monitoring programs and collaborative research have been used to inform decision-making on climate change adaptation. The use of local and Indigenous Knowledge has helped to support hazard avoidance, emergency preparedness, flexibility and innovation in hunting practices, as well as monitoring of pests, pathogens and weeds. Examples include the eNuk app from Nunatsiavut (eNuk, n.d.), the Northwest Territory’s Knowledge Agenda (Government of Northwest Territories, 2017), and 4-H Ontario’s Field Crops: Weeds, Insects, and Diseases project (4-H, n.d.). Similarly, climate change-related health monitoring has informed key adaptation strategies (see Table 3.4) for responding to impacts such as vectorborne and foodborne disease, reduced water quantity and quality, respiratory disease and mental health concerns.

Residents and organizations in rural and remote communities have also worked with partnering agencies at all levels of government, academia and non-government organizations to not only gather climate change-related data on risks and responses, but also communicate information related to this research (e.g., lists of safe spaces, pamphlets regarding disease outbreaks and best practices for public health related to adaptation) (Drolet and Sampson, 2017; Groulx, 2017; Pearce et al., 2012). This has included incorporating culturally relevant and locally appropriate materials into educational programming, and providing practical advice on adaptation to local homeowners, investors, businesses, governments and non-profit organizations (Groulx et al., 2014; Pearce et al., 2012).

Together, these knowledge creation and mobilization strategies have supported and enhanced adaptive capacity in rural and remote communities. For example, adaptation efforts draw from and build upon existing capacity within communities by enhancing social networks, connections to cultural practices and land-based learning, and intergenerational knowledge-sharing. Further efforts, however, are needed to reduce social barriers to adaptation (e.g., poverty, inequality, housing concerns, etc.) (Groulx, 2017). Adaptation initiatives have also contributed to building more livable and sustainable communities and local economies by incorporating a focus on local food production, alternative transportation options, age-friendly communities, clean energy practices and renewable energy project development into community planning and development efforts. Community members and concerned citizens in rural British Columbia, for example, are calling for integrated, holistic planning responses to environmental and social change (Drolet and Sampson, 2017).

Rural and remote communities are also harnessing innovative technologies in their adaptation initiatives, including the use of telehealth (i.e., the delivery of health information and services through information and communications technologies), satellite imagery to assess unpredictable conditions and social media to respond to emergencies (Taylor, 2019; Goodridge and Marciniuk, 2016). Digital reconstruction has also been used to mobilize knowledge and help to digitally preserve sites of cultural and social significance that are at risk of damage from climate change. For instance, 3D laser scanning technology was used to create a digital reconstruction of Fort Conger, Nunavut—a former settlement, military fortification and research post-dating back to 1881—an example of a polar heritage site that is at risk of destruction due to climate change (see Figure 3.2; Dawson and Levy, 2016; Science and Survival at Fort Conger, 2015). The digital reconstruction allows for public exploration of a site they may never see. Other technologies, such as GIS maps and 3D flood animations, have been used to better communicate climate risks related to flooding and infrastructure failure to community members (Lieske, 2015; Lieske et al., 2014).

Residents of rural and remote communities have also actively participated in the development of national and provincial/territorial assessments, pilot projects, programs and policies pertaining to climate change impacts and adaptation, to ensure that their voices are heard and their circumstances are understood. Adaptation is also increasingly being supported by co-constructed planning and policy, although there is a clear and continuing need for greater local autonomy in adaptation-related decision-making, as well as for improved coordination and communication across different levels of government (see Section 3.8). Resilience has been enhanced in rural and remote communities through climate change action plans that are culturally relevant and that draw from social networks, experiences, diversity considerations, consensus building and place-specific emergency response plans. Specific examples of ways that rural and remote communities are leading adaptation actions across Canada are presented in Tables 3.1 to 3.6 and through various case stories included in this chapter (see Box 3.3).

In many rural and remote areas across Canada, knowledge about the environment is strongly rooted to place (Chapin et al., 2015). Place-based knowledge systems, which are critical for understanding and responding to the impacts of climate change, are a strength of rural and remote communities that is already being leveraged in many climate change governance, policy and research contexts (EPCCARR, 2018; Arnold and Fenech, 2017; Ellis and Albrecht, 2017; Government of Northwest Territories, 2017; Horning et al., 2016a, b; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013a, b).

Indigenous Knowledge, local knowledge, and other place-based knowledge systems are commonly utilized in rural and remote Canada. Indigenous Knowledge, which is held by Indigenous Knowledge holders, has been defined as knowledge gained through cultural practices and lived experiences, including multi-generational observations, interactions with other community members, teachings and skills sharing (Pearce et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014). Indigenous Knowledge is systematic, cumulative and continually changing as new observations and experiences occur (Pearce et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014). At the foundation of Indigenous Knowledge Systems are generations of place-based observations and experiences; this knowledge is shared through stories, values and ways of knowing, which shape experiences, perceptions, understanding and responses to climate change (EPCCARR, 2018). Similarly, local knowledge—the knowledge that is gained from living and knowing in specific places and environments—is based on sustained interactions between people and the natural environments of which they are a part. In the context of climate change, local knowledge offers insight into human responses to changing environmental conditions (Chapin et al., 2015). Some research indicates that the rapid rate of climate change may challenge the capacity and applicability of some aspects of local and Indigenous Knowledge Systems (Pearce et al., 2015). However, due to their place-based nature, these forms of knowledge are robust, essential and have been highlighted as key to identifying and addressing the local impacts of climate change in rural and remote communities and areas (Ford et al., 2016; Chapin et al., 2015).

There are several important strengths of Indigenous and local knowledge systems in the context of understanding and responding to climate change, including: 1) understanding, monitoring and recording climate change impacts; 2) enhancing adaptive capacity and building resilience; 3) supporting sustainable risk reduction strategies; and 4) informing decision-making and policy change.

In many rural and remote areas across Canada, place-based knowledge systems are being used to monitor the impacts of climate change (Arnold and Fenech, 2017; Savo et al., 2017; Statham et al., 2015; Gill and Lantz, 2014). For the Teetł’it Gwich’in in Fort McPherson, Northwest Territories, for example, Indigenous Knowledge is being used to monitor the environmental impacts of climate change and to provide place-based and context-specific information related to water security (Gill and Lantz, 2014). The data collected through this monitoring program has been used to create a web-based map that displays photos and videos provided by participants, ultimately producing descriptive and culturally relevant information about environmental changes (Gill and Lantz, 2014). In another example, communities throughout Nunavut used Indigenous Knowledge to provide insight into the climate changes observed in the region during the winter of 2010–2011, which included a range of climate extremes (e.g., extreme and unpredictable winds, warming temperatures), sea ice (e.g., later freeze-up, unpredictable thickness) and land conditions (e.g., icy land conditions) to inform future studies (Statham et al., 2015). In the Northwest Territories’ Knowledge Agenda, the role of Indigenous and local knowledge is acknowledged as key to identifying and understanding climate change and its implications for the landscape, wildlife, traditional activities, and human health and well-being, and for informing government decision-making (Government of Northwest Territories, 2017). In Rigolet, Nunatsiavut, Labrador, Indigenous Knowledge is being used to monitor climatic changes through a community-led monitoring program, which allows community members to record environmental and health changes associated with climate change using the eNuk mobile phone application (see Figure 3.3; Kipp et al., 2019; Sawatzky et al., 2017). Information collected through the app is being used to promote safer travel through information-sharing, to inform policy-level decision-making and to preserve important Inuit knowledge. These examples illustrate the key role that Indigenous and local knowledge holders play in understanding the impacts and extent of climate change.

Place-based knowledge systems have also been recognized as enhancing adaptive capacity and resilience to the adverse effects of climate change in rural and remote areas at both the individual and community level. For many Indigenous communities in Northern Canada, Indigenous Knowledge is based on knowledge and skills that are at the root of safe practices while out on the land (e.g., responding to environmental dangers such as changing snow, ice and weather conditions) (Ford et al., 2014). As a result, Indigenous Knowledge has contributed to the flexibility and adaptability of individuals and communities, as well as to successful hazard avoidance and emergency preparedness in the context of changing climatic conditions (Pearce et al., 2015). Place-based assessments can therefore be used not only as a way of accounting for local climatic conditions, but also as an avenue through which knowledge users can better understand adaptive capacity in specific contexts (Ford et al., 2015).

The contextual nature of climate change has posed challenges for rural and remote communities in terms of creating and implementing sustainable and successful risk reduction strategies. Research examining rural and remote areas across Canada has found that incorporating place-based knowledge that is rooted in the lived experiences of local communities can positively contribute to sustainable development planning (Drolet and Sampson, 2017). For example, a study examining six rural communities in the interior and northern regions of British Columbia highlighted the ways in which each community experienced diverse climate change impacts. These communities expressed a need for adopting different approaches to sustainable development, which emphasize using a place-based approach rooted in local contexts and experiences (Drolet and Sampson, 2017). In a study examining best management practices for adapting to environmental impacts of climate change in agricultural communities in Alberta and Saskatchewan (located in the Swift Current Creek, Oldman River and Castle watersheds), community members highlighted the need to incorporate local knowledge and practices in sustainable social development planning. Agricultural producers acknowledged that, despite being subjected to changing weather stressors, they have been able to adapt by applying local knowledge from farmers, ranchers, watershed groups and irrigation districts to develop new technologies, practices and management strategies (McMartin and Merino, 2014).

Place-based knowledge systems and the lived experiences of individuals and communities in rural and remote areas are being used to inform decision-making and policy. For example, a program examining environmental management practices for agriculture in rural Saskatchewan found that incorporating local knowledge into discussions about the uncertainties of climate change would increase the number of scenarios considered, thus helping to decrease policy concerns and ensure regional appropriateness (Hurlbert and Pittman, 2014). In areas where changes to permafrost alter existing structures, research has highlighted the role that local and Indigenous Knowledge can play in policy that relates to the built environment (Ford et al., 2015). Indigenous Knowledge Systems can also provide novel perspectives and options for action, which extend beyond scientific knowledge and help highlight priorities, build understanding and advance climate change adaptation (EPCCARR, 2018).

Despite the important knowledge highlighted in this chapter, there is a dearth of information focused on the place-based implications of climate change for those living in rural and remote communities in Canada (Rapaport et al., 2015). Although changes to the environment are affecting local peoples’ relationships with and knowledge about the land (Durkalec et al., 2015; Harper et al., 2015, 2012; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2012), it is vital to continue supporting and drawing from Indigenous and local knowledge to effectively understand and respond to the context-specific nature of climate change impacts in rural and remote communities and areas (see Case Story 3.1).

Many rural and remote communities in Canada have mixed economies with both formal (cash or wage-based) and informal (primarily non-cash) sectors playing important roles. Further, many rural and remote communities depend on natural resource industries—including agriculture, forestry, fisheries, energy and mining—for their economic base and to support livelihoods (see Figure 3.4; Drolet and Sampson, 2017). In turn, these communities and their residents make vital contributions to provincial and national economies (Dampier et al., 2016). In more than 1,800 rural and remote communities in Canada—the majority with populations of 10,000 or less—an average of 30% of the local labour force is dependent on natural resource sectors for employment (see Figures 3.5 and 3.6). Current and potential climate change impacts on natural resource sectors, particularly those that have yet to develop or implement adaptation strategies, therefore make many rural and remote communities economically vulnerable.

Climate change impacts on informal economies such as hunting, fishing, trapping and gathering threaten livelihoods and food security. Residents often rely on these culturally significant activities to supplement wage-income sources in locations where wage-sector employment prospects may be limited (Kornfeld, 2016). Further, when access to locally harvested food (e.g., “country food”) is restricted, residents are often forced to switch to costly, nutritionally inferior store-bought products (Statham et al., 2015). Many of these communities are within the traditional territories of First Nations, Inuit and Métis populations whose livelihoods, culture and well-being are deeply connected to the health of the land and water (Gill and Lantz, 2014; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2012). This makes these populations more vulnerable to climate change than populations in urban environments (Kornfeld, 2016). These same rural and remote communities are often experiencing some of the most severe and cumulative effects of climate change. Dependency on ecosystem resources means that climate change impacts on the economies and livelihoods of rural and remote communities in Canada are particularly acute.

Climate change is expected to increase the vulnerability of natural resource-dependent economies due to impacts on supply, demand, and harvesting and processing operations. For example, climate variables (e.g., temperature and precipitation) and weather-related stressors play important roles in growing season length, as well as agricultural activities and productivity, making the agriculture sector highly vulnerable to climate change (Akkari and Bryant, 2016). Temperature extremes and extreme events have affected growing conditions across the country. Although hotter, drier summers and extreme weather events—including drought, heat waves and flooding—have negatively impacted many agricultural areas, prolonged growing seasons and increasing frost-free days could also provide new opportunities (Roussin et al., 2015; McMartin and Merino, 2014). Efforts to increase local food production as a result may enhance food security, create new jobs and income, and reduce reliance on food imports, which has the added co-benefit of reducing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions related to the transportation of imports and reduced vulnerability to transportation system disruptions (Roussin et al., 2015). Research highlights the need to ensure that agriculture in new areas does not amplify or exacerbate existing risks. For example, caution would be needed in areas where there are existing water shortages and high demand on water for crop irrigation, as is the case in the area near the Oldman Dam in Alberta (Yusa et al., 2015).

The forest industry and forest-based communities are being affected by multiple impacts related to climate change. The mountain pine beetle epidemic, for example, has provided a powerful illustration of related threats (e.g., loss of merchantable timber and related jobs and business revenues) and opportunities (e.g., for economic transition and biomass energy production) (Drolet and Sampson, 2017; Furness and Nelson, 2016; Blanco et al., 2015). Climate change is also affecting the availability of commercially harvested fish species and impacting fishing seasons and locations. For instance, increases in warmer water species like silver hake in Newfoundland and Labrador, and American lobster across the Scotian Shelf have been observed (Bernier et al., 2018). Also, herring seasons are being extended and there is a need to travel farther offshore for shrimp due to warmer near-shore waters in the Acadian Peninsula (Vasseur et al., 2017). In the Pacific Ocean, fisheries stocks are being affected by warming, acidification and extreme events such as marine heat waves. For example, increasing ocean temperatures are believed to have negatively impacted the survival, size and condition of Chinook Salmon, reducing catch sizes and value (Holsman et al., 2019).

Climate change is also impacting tourism potential in rural and remote areas, many of which are increasingly relying on tourism as a component of their local economies. For example, warmer temperatures, changing sea ice dynamics and shifting weather patterns are expanding existing opportunities as well as opening up new ones in some areas (see Sector Impacts and Adaptation chapter). Increased tourism, however, also brings associated direct and indirect impacts that negatively affect ecosystems and transportation, such as increased air travel, greywater discharge and GHG emissions (World Wildlife Fund, 2019; Stoddart and Sodero, 2015). Not all rural and remote communities are benefitting from expanded or new tourism opportunities due to climate change (see Table 3.1). For example, many ski areas are negatively impacted by changing weather patterns, shorter winter seasons and precipitation changes, and are becoming more reliant on snow-making equipment, which increases costs and water demand (Hock et al., 2019; Gilaberte-Búrdalo et al., 2014). Other impacts—including thawing permafrost, rising sea levels, storm surges, flooding and erosion—are leading to the loss and destruction of valued artifacts and heritage sites, such as Fort Conger, Nunavut (see Section 3.2). This is not only leading to the loss of cultural heritage, but is also damaging potential tourism opportunities (Abram et al., 2019; Meredith et al., 2019; Dawson and Levy, 2016). Other examples of impacts and adaptation efforts within each of these natural resource sectors are provided in Table 3.1 (see Sector Impacts and Adaptation chapter).

Residents of rural and remote communities have adopted numerous adaptation strategies to address climate change impacts (see Case Story 3.2), including in response to changes in subsistence economies. For example, adaptation related to hunting and food security include changing travel routes on the land for hunting; altering hunting patterns by learning to hunt new species as others change when ecosystems shift; increasing preparation and supplies for hunting trips; using new digital technologies for increased safety; and drawing on strong social networks to share food, equipment and knowledge (see Table 3.2). In Nunavut, for example, there have been reductions in caribou availability and quality (e.g., caribou are described as being skinnier, with less fat), along with shifts in migration to areas requiring further travel and with greater access restrictions. Under such conditions, hunters in Ulukhaktok, Inuvialuit Settlement Region, shifted their focus from harvesting caribou to muskox. Declining muskox populations now face increased harvest pressure, and hunters must travel further to hunt with varying success, leading to greater stress on the herds and on people who rely on muskox for food security (Fawcett et al., 2017). Longer, land-based routes are often harder on equipment and require more planning and supplies (Durkalec et al., 2015). Further, measures such as replacing canvas tents with cabin structures that can store supplies and withstand stronger winds—or replacing and purchasing new, often expensive safety equipment—are not feasible for all (Archer et al., 2017). In addition, meat returns may be reduced despite higher costs. Low-income hunters, including unemployed individuals and retirees that are dependent on pensions, are at particular risk from such challenges (Statham et al., 2015). New safety risks have also been introduced, especially for inexperienced hunters, as a result of shifting to unfamiliar routes, a reliance on technologies that can and do fail, and snowmobiles breaking down and being expensive to fix (Clark et al., 2016a, b). Reciprocity is also important in social networks: those less able to harvest country food (often due in part to climate-related changes) may become less likely to receive community and/or family support over time. Nevertheless, many communities continue to depend on sharing networks to support subsistence economies in a changing climate. With fewer people hunting, many hunters have increased the numbers of community members for which they provide, although this may be increasingly challenging with declining harvests and further climatic and environmental stressors (Statham et al., 2015).

Growing demand for more sustainable, less carbon-intensive products and climate-related policy changes (e.g., carbon credits) challenges existing ways of operating in natural resource sectors. This creates new opportunities and encourages alternative development options that aid in transitioning to a more sustainable local economy (Drolet and Sampson, 2017). Examples include those noted above in agriculture, forestry, fisheries and tourism, as well as new biomass, wind and solar energy projects (Dampier et al., 2016; Kornfeld, 2016; Schroth et al., 2015). Hybrid renewable energy projects have been successfully implemented in Deer Lake and Fort Severn, Ontario, and in Colville Lake, Northwest Territories (Arriaga et al., 2017). These efforts have been successful in reducing reliance on fossil fuels and associated spills, transport costs and GHG emissions. While there are some concerns about maladaptation—including potential negative ecosystem impacts, biomass supply and accessibility, transportation costs and, in particular, air quality from biomass energy production—these negative outcomes can be offset by the potential benefits of sustainable energy systems (Blanco et al., 2015). Skills training and local investments in new technology, innovation and transition planning may be required to support economic transition (Drolet and Sampson, 2017). Attention to “just transitions”—which require collaboration, respect, worker support and shared financial costs to build a sustainable future for communities—is essential for moving forward (Government of Canada, 2018). Government-imposed requirements for corporate carbon footprint reductions and green investment treaties with commitments to reduce GHGs, for example, have the potential to support such transitions (Kornfeld, 2016). Lifecycle analyses and assessment of payback periods for initiatives seeking resiliency to climate change and extremes have also been identified as helpful strategies (McMartin and Merino, 2014).

In summary, the traditional industries and related jobs that rural and remote communities rely on face significant threats that are linked to circumstances including, and exacerbated by, a changing climate and environment. These communities are facing challenges associated with extreme weather events, rising sea levels, retreating sea ice, declining traditional food sources and changes in the populations of target species for resource sectors. To overcome these challenges, communities have taken important and often proactive measures to protect and adapt the subsistence harvesting and natural resource-based industries that support their livelihoods. These adaptations, however, continue to come at a cost and draw on human, social and financial capital. There is a need for ongoing attention to the threat of maladaptation, such as overharvesting of species or new agricultural activities that add excess stress to local water, forest and soil resources. Further support for adaptation can come from knowledge and technology sharing to better predict impacts and changes, investment in resiliency measures, and provision of technical expertise and training for rural and remote communities to provide new skills and knowledge relevant for a changing environment. In the longer term, there may be a need to support more significant measures in some circumstances, like managed retreat (i.e., the purposeful and coordinated movement of people and buildings away from risks) due to sea level rise or the development of new food and water resources.

Across Canada, adequate access to infrastructure and services is a growing concern for many rural and remote communities that are experiencing stressed and degraded infrastructure, and a retreat from service delivery. Changing environmental conditions are posing further challenges for both critical and community infrastructure in rural areas (see Box 3.4; Berner et al., 2016). Extreme weather events (e.g., high winds, increased precipitation, drought, ice storms, heat waves and storm surges), inland and coastal flooding, sea level rise, permafrost thaw and forest fires are having a significant impact on the built environment in these settings. Regionalization and reduction of services in rural communities forces residents to travel longer distances for services such as medical care and, therefore, to become increasingly reliant on vulnerable transportation networks (e.g., poor, seasonal or non-existent roads, and lack of alternative transportation options). Those responding to emergencies are also at increased risk due to vulnerable rural infrastructure (Nova Scotia Department of Environment and Climate Change, 2018). This makes the consideration of climate change impacts in planning, zoning and land-use decisions vital in reducing risk from climate impacts that adversely affect rural and remote communities (Doberstein et al., 2019).

Transportation infrastructure—including roads, bridges, railways, airstrips, marine shipping routes and trails—are commonly reported in the literature and by community stakeholders as being the most critically the type of infrastructure most dramatically affected by climate change. These impacts are especially pronounced for ice roads. Evidence suggests the length of time that ice roads are viable has already been significantly reduced; in the future, rising temperatures and increased precipitation may be enough to limit the formation of ice roads of sufficient thickness for the transportation of essential goods and materials in many of the areas that now rely on them (Mullan et al., 2017). Recent projections suggest that damage to infrastructure from climate-related flooding, erosion and permafrost melt is likely to result in the greatest financial costs to communities, and that infrastructure such as roads, bridges, water management facilities and revetment systems are likely to require the most investments (Federation of Canadian Municipalities and Insurance Bureau of Canada, 2019; Federation of Canadian Municipalities, 2018a). Recent research suggests that, among the top priorities for adaptation in rural and remote communities, is the need to address climate change impacts to infrastructure that result in interruptions to residents’ daily activities, such as shopping, visiting family and receiving medical treatment (Manuel et al., 2015).

Energy grids and systems are another commonly cited category of rural infrastructure that is negatively affected by climate change, mainly due to failing transmission lines, the high cost of fuel and transportation, and climate-vulnerable transportation routes. Many remote communities across Canada rely solely on diesel power and a grid connection is often not a viable or reliable option; as such, alternatives must be explored, such as natural gas generators and locally generated renewable energy sources (wind energy, solar energy and biomass heating) (Natural Resources Canada, 2018a; Knowles, 2016). Climate change awareness, policies and programs have encouraged the development of new renewable energy projects and other infrastructure aimed at reducing reliance on fossil fuels (Government of Canada, 2017; Province of New Brunswick, 2016).

While rural and remote communities across Canada are experiencing changing and variable climatic conditions, those located in the northern parts of the country are seeing more pronounced impacts to infrastructure due to rapidly increasing temperatures; changing precipitation patterns; increases in extreme and warm weather events; continued melting of Arctic sea ice, glaciers, and ice caps; rising sea levels; thawing permafrost; and coastal erosion (Bush and Lemmen, 2019; IPCC, 2018). These conditions are already evident and are having serious impacts on infrastructure in northern communities (Berner et al., 2016; Dawson and Levy, 2016; Ford et al., 2015; Boyle et al., 2013).

In more southern regions, rural communities are also concerned about more extreme weather events that cause immediate impacts such as flooding, ice storms and heat waves, and that have the potential to cause damage to critical infrastructure (Félio, 2017; Caldwell, 2015). Rural coastal communities have the added threats of flooding, sea level rise and coastal erosion impacting their infrastructure and lives (Arnold and Fenech, 2017; Vasseur et al., 2017; Manuel et al., 2015; Webster et al., 2014). For example, buildings and services that are instrumental to daily life—such as housing, healthcare facilities, community centres, post offices, grocery stores, and water and wastewater treatment—are increasingly at risk of failure, particularly from flooding and extreme weather events (Félio, 2017). In Atlantic Canada, for example, disruption to these services and access to crucial community infrastructure due to changing climatic conditions is increasing the vulnerability of ageing communities (Krawchenko et al., 2016; Manuel et al., 2015). Rural and remote communities that have one or only a few roads into and out of their communities—found in both coastal and remote regions—are particularly vulnerable to climate change, due to potential isolation when roads are washed out, which can affect the availability of food and services (Mullan et al., 2017; Krawchenko et al., 2016; Vodden et al., 2012).

Rural and remote communities have undertaken a number of different approaches to infrastructure adaptation, which are often tailor-made to their specific needs and contexts (see Table 3.3; Case Story 3.3). These include assessing the vulnerability of current municipal infrastructure; incorporating climate change into community planning, primarily by updating codes, practices and designs; and constructing new infrastructure with a longer service life (Government of Canada, 2017; Government of Northwest Territories, 2017; Indigenous and Northern Affairs Canada, 2017). Other responses include altering emergency transportation routes, diversifying energy sources, developing local action plans to transition to low carbon economies, and planning for smart growth and sustainable, livable communities. These include communities that facilitate healthy ageing, reduce reliance on daily commuting, and recognize the use of natural infrastructure (such as forests and wetlands) to reduce climate change impacts (Government of Canada, 2017, 2016; Government of Ontario, 2016; Krawchenko et al., 2016; Province of New Brunswick, 2016; Manuel et al., 2015).

For rural and remote coastal communities, adaptations include revetment and building of new walls and dykes to safeguard against high-wave impacts and flooding (Vasseur et al., 2017; Hatcher and Forbes, 2015). Across Canada, rural and remote communities are converting their energy infrastructure by developing renewable energy sources and connecting communities to more centralized grids, where possible (Arriaga et al., 2017; Mortensen et al., 2017). Energy retrofits for homes and municipal facilities, as well as efforts to reduce reliance on fossil fuels for transportation, residential heating and cooking, are adaptation strategies that can also reduce GHG emissions, decrease the stress on fragile infrastructure, such as winter roads, and create cost savings (Climate Action Revenue Incentive Program, 2017; Yukon Legislative Assembly, 2017; Hatcher and Forbes, 2015).

The potential contribution of information and digital media technologies to adaptation in rural and remote communities is also being explored in various ways. For example, the Tantramar Planning District in New Brunswick has utilized information technology-based GIS maps and 3D flood animations to better communicate climate risks related to flooding and infrastructure failure to its residents (Lieske et al., 2014). In other regions, heritage and cultural buildings, trails and sites where physical infrastructure has already failed (or cannot be accessed without risk of injury) are being digitally reconstructed (see Section 3.2; Dawson and Levy, 2016).

Although communities are finding innovative ways to adapt, there are challenges that continue to impede progress on climate change adaptation. These include the high costs of infrastructure investment and an already existing infrastructure deficit. For communities with low-average incomes or a limited tax base, measures such as relocating houses due to erosion or building protection walls may not be affordable, so responses are often limited to temporary adaptations (Federation of Canadian Municipalities, 2018b; Vasseur et al., 2017). The lack of climate data, regional climate models, and inadequate and outdated flood-risk mapping, combined with a shortage of trained locals that can work with available climate change information, have led to difficulties in understanding and communicating climate-related risks (Mortensen et al., 2017; Dawson and Levy, 2016). Even where communities are able to access this information, short-term institutional memory can be a concern (Ford et al., 2017, 2013). For example, many northern communities often have high employee turnover rates. When there is a shift in management, large multi-year infrastructure projects may change, be cancelled or be significantly delayed (Ford et al., 2017). Communities require support in building adaptive readiness and establishing the governance, culture and social patterns (also known as “soft infrastructure”) needed to enhance understanding and make “hard” infrastructure investments possible (Pagano et al., 2018). These challenges will be familiar to most communities across Canada. Unfortunately, rural and remote communities often feel exacerbated impacts from these challenges due to their remote locations and the associated transportation and infrastructure limitations and costs.

In rural and remote areas, human health and well-being are often influenced by the close connection that individuals and communities have to their social, cultural and physical environments (Cunsolo and Ellis, 2018; EPCCARR, 2018; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017; IPCC, 2014). Many rural and remote communities, particularly Indigenous communities, rely closely on the land for their sustenance, livelihoods and cultural practices, which influences social determinants of health and well-being in a number of ways (Cunsolo and Ellis, 2018; EPCCARR, 2018; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015; IPCC, 2014). As a result, climate change is leading to both direct (e.g., injury during extreme weather events) and indirect (e.g., poor nutrition caused by changing access to certain foods) effects on the health and well-being of individuals and communities (see Figure 3.8; Berner et al., 2016; EPCCARR, 2018; Durkalec et al., 2014; IPCC, 2014).

Examples of negative impacts on individual and community health and well-being in rural and remote areas include increased prevalence and severity of extreme weather events (EPCCARR, 2018; Government of Saskatchewan, 2017; Rapaport et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014; IPCC, 2014); changes to sea ice, vegetation, fish, wildlife and water (EPCCARR, 2018; IPCC, 2018, 2014; Clark and Ford, 2017; Ford et al., 2014); and weather and environmental uncertainties (Young et al., 2016; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015; IPCC, 2014). Negative health outcomes associated with these changes include an increased prevalence of poor nutrition, obesity and diabetes (EPCCARR, 2018; Barbeau et al., 2015; Loring and Gerlach, 2015); vectorborne, waterborne and foodborne disease (EPCCARR, 2018; Loring and Gerlach, 2015; Ford et al., 2014); cardiovascular disease (Barbeau et al., 2015; Loring and Gerlach, 2015; Harper et al., 2011); respiratory issues (Dodd et al., 2018a, b); injury and mortality (Clark and Ford, 2017; Young et al., 2016; Ford et al., 2014); and mental health issues (Cunsolo and Ellis, 2018; Dodd et al., 2018a, b; Government of Northwest Territories, 2017; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015; Statham et al., 2015). Characteristics of rural and remote areas that may increase sensitivity to these risks include their remote geography and limited transportation infrastructure; reliance on natural resources; under-resourced social and physical infrastructure; limited health system capacity due in part to there being fewer health professionals living and working in these areas; limited health infrastructure and access to health-sustaining resources; and reduced emergency response capacity (EPCCARR, 2018; IPCC, 2014).

Vulnerability to climate change is influenced by the intersection of demographic, social, cultural and political factors in rural and remote communities, as well as individual characteristics and circumstances (EPCCARR, 2018; Drolet and Sampson, 2017; Krawchenko et al., 2016; IPCC, 2014). Furthermore, the literature highlights indigeneity, age, gender and socioeconomic status (see Box 3.2) as key factors influencing individual and community vulnerability to climate change in rural and remote communities.

Many rural and remote communities have experienced changing access to and quality of food and water systems linked to environmental changes such as rising temperatures (Medeiros et al., 2017; Berner et al., 2016; Loring and Gerlach, 2015), changing precipitation patterns and increasing extreme weather events (Dodd et al., 2018a, b; Medeiros et al., 2017; Berner et al., 2016). For example, in many Northern remote First Nations and Inuit communities, climate change-related disruptions to sea ice, wildlife and vegetation impact the ability of individuals to hunt, fish and forage, leading to decreased consumption of healthy and culturally preferred local food and increased reliance on retail food (Dodd et al., 2018a, b; Government of Northwest Territories, 2017; Medeiros et al., 2017; Berner et al., 2016; Loring and Gerlach, 2015). Water security may also be challenging for rural and remote communities, where rising temperatures and more frequent extreme weather events can overwhelm fragile water treatment systems and interrupt the provision of safe drinking water (Medeiros et al., 2017; Berner et al., 2016) (see Water Resources chapter). Across Northern Canada—where many communities rely on surface water sources—changes to water levels, run-off, flow regimes and sediment accumulation can seriously affect drinking water availability and quality (Bakaic and Medeiros, 2017; Medeiros et al., 2017). Both food and water insecurity have been linked to negative health outcomes, including poor nutrition, obesity, diabetes, cardiovascular disease, acute gastrointestinal illness and mental health concerns (Berner et al., 2016; Harper et al., 2015; Loring and Gerlach, 2015; Ford et al., 2014).

Changing precipitation patterns, rising temperatures and increased frequency and severity of extreme weather can also exacerbate chronic illnesses and infectious diseases in rural and remote communities by increasing exposure to environmental contaminants and vectorborne, foodborne and waterborne diseases; putting enhanced stress on underlying chronic conditions (e.g., cardiovascular and respiratory illness) (Dodd et al., 2018b; Public Health Agency of Canada, 2017); and disrupting healthcare provision and chronic disease management (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015). Research has also documented increased risk of waterborne disease in rural and remote communities due to weather-related contamination events (EPCCARR, 2018; Harper et al., 2015). Changing winds, ocean currents and rivers carrying environmental contaminants in the North may also lead to increased levels of persistent organic pollutants and toxic heavy metals in local food and water sources in remote polar regions (see Northern Canada chapter; Medeiros et al., 2017; Berner et al., 2016; Loring and Gerlach, 2015). Consumption of contaminants can result in many health concerns (Medeiros et al., 2017; Berner et al., 2016; Loring and Gerlach, 2015).

Extreme and rapidly changing weather conditions—including heat waves, storms, droughts, floods and changing sea ice conditions—have had significant negative effects on the health of individuals living in rural and remote communities. For example, wildfires and associated health challenges—such as respiratory issues, mental health stressors and damage to critical health infrastructure—have been identified in forest communities across Canada as a threat to safety and well-being (see Case Story 3.4 and Sector Impacts and Adaptation chapter; Dodd et al., 2018a, b; Government of Northwest Territories, 2017; Government of Saskatchewan, 2017). Northern and remote communities have identified increased death and injury from changing weather and sea ice, leading to unsafe or unfamiliar travel conditions and reliance on technologies that can and do fail (e.g., snowmobiles breaking down, navigation systems failing) (Clark et al., 2016a, b).

As environments change and people adapt to new and often less desirable conditions, the mental health and well-being of individuals living in rural and remote communities is also affected. For example, in Indigenous communities in rural and remote areas of Canada, individuals are often deeply connected to the land for their well-being; as climate change alters the environment, access to places and practices of cultural significance are often disrupted (Cunsolo and Ellis, 2018; Cunsolo et al., 2017; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014). For Inuit in Nunatsiavut, for example, these changes have led to increased anxiety, fear, distress, anger, grief and depression related to changes to land-based activities, connection to land, and cultural identity (Cunsolo and Ellis, 2018; Cunsolo et al., 2017; Harper et al., 2015; Lament for the Land, 2014). Regional plans in Manitoba identify the potential loss of livelihoods associated with drought as a climate-sensitive mental health concern (Government of Manitoba, 2017). In Atlantic Canada, individuals have connected increases in the storm prevalence and severity in rural coastal communities and subsequent damage to important infrastructure with mental health challenges, which often differs by gender (Vasseur et al., 2015).

Despite these challenges, focusing on climate change adaptation, risk reduction and realizing co-benefits from GHG emissions reduction presents an important opportunity for the health sector. Already, many rural and remote communities in Canada have begun to develop and implement health-related adaptation strategies (see Table 3.4). To support adaptation to the health effects of climate change, recommended changes to existing adaptation strategies include:

• using multiple knowledge systems that are specific to sociocultural contexts;
• addressing non-climatic factors impacting adaptation;
• utilizing innovative forms of technology;
• improving and integrating health surveillance with environmental monitoring;
• supporting sustainable development practices;
• enhancing awareness of risks and response;
• expanding knowledge of climate change impacts; and
• developing the capacity of the health sector to respond to climate change.

Ultimately, for rural and remote communities to continue adapting to the health impacts of climate change, it is important to consider specific local and regional, economic and geographic elements; support and draw upon existing expertise of individuals and communities in rural and remote areas in Canada; and continue viewing human health within the social-cultural and physical environments of rural and remote communities.

Individuals and communities living in rural and remote communities and areas often have a strong social and cultural ties to their environments, which influence identity, cultural continuity and sense of place in numerous ways. Examples of this connection to place can be seen in remote Indigenous communities across Canada, where many individuals rely on the land for their culture and well-being, and practice land-based cultural activities including hunting, fishing and berry picking (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012; Harper et al., 2015; Loring and Gerlach, 2015; Pearce et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014). It is also seen in rural areas throughout the prairies, where individuals in agricultural communities often have a strong heritage associated with farming and daily personal interactions with their land (McMartin and Merino, 2014). Place-based connection is also reflected in other rural and small-town communities—such as coastal and forest communities—where individual and group identities are often tied to local landscapes and reliance on natural resources (Dodd et al., 2018a, b; Vasseur et al., 2017).

Climate change and associated environmental impacts are leading to wide-ranging intangible losses and damages in many rural and remote communities (see Figure 3.9; Cunsolo and Ellis, 2018; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012). Specifically, recent studies have explored how climate change is disrupting cultural practices associated with the land (e.g., hunting, sewing, travelling on sea ice, etc.) (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012; Loring and Gerlach, 2015; Pearce et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014); altering the inter-generational transmission of Indigenous Knowledge (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012; Durkalec et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014); limiting access to places of cultural significance (e.g., hunting camps, sources of fresh water, etc.) (Government of Northwest Territories, 2017; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012); and damaging or destroying landscapes and sites of cultural and social significance (e.g., heritage and archeological sites) (Vasseur et al., 2017; Dawson and Levy, 2016). These climate-related changes are further exacerbated by non-climatic changes that also affect identity, cultural continuity and sense of place, which include ageing populations, rural to urban outmigration and the adoption of labour-saving technologies.

Although the impacts of climate change on identity, cultural continuity and sense of place are experienced differently by each individual and community, prominent themes include shifts in cultural practices and identity; the changing social fabric of rural and remote communities; and the damage and destruction of landscapes and sites of cultural and social significance.

The deep connections that individuals and communities in rural and remote areas share with their natural environments mean that many of their cultural practices are strongly connected to the land. For example, in many remote Inuit communities, spending time on the land and engaging with land-based activities hold important cultural and spiritual value; contribute to Inuit identity and cultural autonomy; and provide opportunities for the inter-generational transmission of knowledge (Clark et al., 2016b; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012; Durkalec et al., 2015; Harper et al., 2015; Pearce et al., 2015). Changing climatic conditions that alter the natural environment—such as changes to harvesting seasons, wildlife and plant species, traditional medicines and waterways—have the potential to disrupt cultural practices in a number of ways (Province of New Brunswick, 2016; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012; Harper et al., 2015).

Indigenous communities in rural and remote areas are at particular risk of experiencing cultural changes as a result of climate change. For example, climate change has impacted culturally important subsistence activities in many Indigenous communities, such as hunting, fishing, trapping, berry-picking, water collection, and subsequently the consumption of culturally significant food and water (Boulanger-Lapointe et al., 2019; Archer et al., 2017; Government of Northwest Territories, 2017; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012; Harper et al., 2015; Pearce et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014; Hanrahan et al., 2014). Such activities are altered as changes—including thinning sea ice, warming temperatures and increased storm prevalence—occur and impact the ability of Inuit to spend time on these changing landscapes (EPCCARR, 2018; Clark et al., 2016b; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012; Durkalec et al., 2015; Odland et al., 2015; Pearce et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014).

Climate change is also impacting the ability of Indigenous Knowledge holders and Elders to use their knowledge on the land in rural and remote areas, since past knowledge becomes less applicable to current conditions (Government of Northwest Territories, 2017). These changes are altering place meanings and attachment, decreasing transmission of knowledge, eroding land-based skills and disrupting cultural identity and continuity (Clark et al., 2016b; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015, 2013a, b, 2012; Durkalec et al., 2015; Pearce et al., 2015; Ford et al., 2014). There is limited research in a Canadian context regarding the impacts of climate change on the cultural practices of individuals and communities in rural and remote areas more broadly (e.g., in agricultural, coastal, forest and mountain communities). However, international literature indicates this is an important area of concern (Cunsolo and Ellis, 2018; Casanova-Pérez et al., 2016; Hall et al., 2016; Cunsolo Willox, 2012; Wolf et al., 2012). Thus, more research and engagement are needed to further explore the cultural dimensions of climate change in rural and remote communities across Canada.

Climate change is also influencing the social fabric of rural and remote communities, which includes the people living in these areas, interactions between people and the distribution and use of social spaces and services (Krawchenko et al., 2016). An example of climate change altering the social dimensions within communities can be seen in Saskatoon’s Swift Current Creek Watershed, where drought associated with climate change has led to both economic and social stressors (McMartin and Merino, 2014). The socioeconomic structure of rural and remote communities—which may include a gendered-stratified workforce, declining economies, low levels of education, youth migration, distance from decision-makers and reliance on natural resources—may heighten the vulnerability of individuals and communities to the negative social effects of climate change (Vasseur et al., 2015). For example, in the rural coastal community of Ste. Flavie, Quebec, storm damage associated with climate change was identified as enhancing social stress in the community and corresponded with an increase in the out-migration of youth and families, as well as familial tensions and interpersonal conflict (Vasseur et al., 2015). In Rigolet, Nunatsiavut, shifts in weather, ice and seasonal patterns led to increased family and community stress, with concerns for increased family violence (Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013a).

In addition to disrupting cultural practices, climate change and associated stresses and challenges have resulted in the fragmentation of previously robust social networks and a loss of social capital in many rural and remote communities (EPCCARR, 2018; Medeiros et al., 2017). Rural and remote Indigenous communities, in particular, are disproportionately burdened by the social impacts of climate change, which exacerbate existing socioeconomic challenges such as issues with service provision and limited economic opportunities (EPCCARR, 2018; Picketts et al., 2017). In rural and remote communities more broadly, individuals with limited social capital and a lack of access to resources are often more at risk to the adverse effects of climate change (EPCCARR, 2018; Krawchenko et al., 2016).

Climate change in rural and remote areas has also influenced the social structure of communities in terms of gender roles. In agricultural communities in Saskatchewan, for example, a study found that environmental crises further entrench traditional conceptions of women’s roles on farms, positioning men as the primary “farmer” and women as “caregivers, helpers and supporters,” and assigning women less agency over climate change adaptation strategies (Women’s Environment and Development Organization, 2018). Similarly, in forestry communities in Western Canada, women’s marginal economic and social positions have influenced their vulnerability to changing climatic conditions (Williams et al., 2018; Reed et al., 2014). In Clyde River and Qikiqtarjuaq, Nunavut, climate change-related impacts to the accessibility of wildlife have resulted in shifts to women’s primary economic roles in traditional food preparation and handicraft production (e.g., sewing of sealskin), with negative economic impacts for them and their communities, as well as important social and cultural impacts (Williams et al., 2018).

Cultural landscapes and places of cultural and social significance, such as archeological and heritage sites, often contribute to a sense of place and cultural continuity for the individuals and communities connected to these places. In many rural and remote communities across Canada, climate change impacts—such as coastal erosion, changing precipitation patterns, increased forest fires and changes to freeze-thaw cycles—are contributing to the destruction of these sites, leading to irreversible loss and damages (Clarke and Clarke, 2018; EPCCARR, 2018). In rural and remote communities, such sites are at particular risk due to geographic locations, existing concerns with ageing infrastructure and limited resources for risk reduction and adaptation (EPCCARR, 2018). Furthermore, it is challenging to adapt to climate change by altering cultural landscapes or relocating heritage or archeological sites as their value is often tied directly to place; once these places are lost, they cannot be recovered (Clarke and Clarke, 2018; EPCCARR, 2018; Government of Canada, 2016).

In rural and remote coastal communities, climate change impacts such as sea level rise, loss of sea ice, storm surges, increased wind speeds and coastal erosion are directly damaging sites of cultural and social importance (Clarke and Clarke, 2018). In rural Nova Scotia, for example, a study examining climate change impacts on elderly populations found that flooding related to storm surges and changing precipitation patterns was negatively impacting social spaces and assets in the community that are important for daily routine and social engagement (Manuel et al., 2015). Increased winds and storm surges have also contributed to the deterioration of structures along the coast (e.g., lighthouses, piers), as well as natural heritage and landscapes (e.g., blown-down trees and loss of beaches and dunes) (Clarke and Clarke, 2018). Similarly, in Arctic and Subarctic regions, climate change impacts have destroyed rich archaeological records, natural and constructed heritage sites, and landscapes of cultural and social significance (Government of Northwest Territories, 2017; Andrews et al., 2016; Dawson and Levy, 2016).

In Northern regions, specific climate change concerns include the melting of sea ice and permanent snow pack; severe ice and snow storms; and a more dramatic rise in temperatures (Clarke and Clarke, 2018; Government of Northwest Territories, 2017; Andrews et al., 2016). Fort Conger in Nunavut (see Section 3.2) and other heritage sites in the Arctic have been damaged by the accumulation of ice, snow and water; strong winds; increased freeze-thaw cycles; and the increased presence of fungi and subsequent rot supported by warming Arctic temperatures (Clarke and Clarke, 2018; Dawson and Levy, 2016). Changing temperatures, including both heat and cold extremes, also have potential to influence local extinction of wildlife and plant species that are important aspects of natural heritage (Clarke and Clarke, 2018). Changing climatic conditions have altered important landmarks used by Indigenous harvesters along travel routes and disrupted access to places of cultural, social, spiritual and emotional significance (Andrews et al., 2016). Although there is a gap in understanding about the full impacts related to the destruction of social and cultural sites throughout Canadian rural and remote communities, preserving these cultural assets can be seen as a symbol of resilience and community stability in rapidly changing times (Clarke and Clarke, 2018; Government of Northwest Territories, 2017).

The intangible losses and damages of climate change on identity, cultural continuity and sense of place associated with climate change are widespread and cumulative, and will be critical to consider in climate change adaptation. Despite numerous challenges, adaptation to these negative impacts has already begun as individuals and communities in rural and remote areas identify how climate change impacts the interconnectedness and importance of identity, culture and place (see Table 3.5; Case Story 3.5). In many rural and remote Indigenous communities in Northern Canada, for example, the importance of drawing on Indigenous Knowledge, sharing networks and inter-generational transmission of knowledge has been highlighted as key to adaptation (Archer et al., 2017; Fawcett et al., 2017; Durkalec et al., 2015; Pearce et al., 2015; Statham et al., 2015). In rural prairie communities, agricultural producers have recognized the vital role of community, social and natural capital, and the need to respond collectively to climate change (Sauchyn, 2017). Moreover, in coastal communities in Atlantic and Northern Canada, where communities have identities that are strongly tied to cultural landscapes and sites of sociocultural significance, strategies to preserve and maintain at-risk sites are currently being explored (Clarke and Clarke, 2018; Government of Northwest Territories, 2017).

A strong sense of culture has been identified as a protective factor moderating exposure to climate-related risks and plays a crucial role in influencing adaptive capacity (Cunsolo et al., 2017; Ford et al., 2014). Although many rural and remote communities have traditional cultural practices, culture is dynamic. For example, in Dawson Creek, British Columbia—where local cultural identities of self-sufficiency are closely tied to a heritage of farming—the community has used climate change adaptation to promote a renewed community identity around sustainability and energy independence, including through the creation of the Bear Mountain Wind Farm (Shaw et al., 2014). Ultimately, existing social capital in rural and remote communities, such as strong social networks and place-based knowledge systems, are key to adaptation (Furness and Nelson, 2016). As places of social and cultural significance shift in unprecedented ways, more research is needed on how these changes will alter the cultural practices and social fabric of communities.

Research indicates that intangible climate change impacts, such as adverse effects on culture or social capital, stem from direct impacts, as well as strategies for adaptation and GHG emissions reduction. In the movement towards clean energy, for example, the banning of a coal mine in the rural town of Atikokan, Ontario led to layoffs for approximately 90 individuals that worked for the power plant, with resulting adverse effects on the social fabric of the community (Dampier et al., 2016). Alternatively, as seen in the First Nations community of Fort Albany, Ontario, strategies for adaptation, risk reduction and GHG emissions reduction have promoted social cohesion and sharing (Barbeau et al., 2015). In this subarctic community, where local food systems have been introduced as a way of combating food insecurity, the act of gardening has strengthened family ties and provided space for knowledge transfer between generations (Barbeau et al., 2015). New forms of social networks can also help to strengthen social connections, such as using social media to identify individuals at risk during extreme weather events and to facilitate food and equipment sharing (Archer et al., 2017).

Rural and remote governance structures at multiple levels and across many sectors are facing challenges due to a changing climate (see Box 3.5), and are attempting to respond to these challenges and associated opportunities (Northwest Territories Legislative Assembly, 2018; Government of Canada, 2017; Hurlbert and Pittman, 2014; McMartin and Merino, 2014). Climate change impacts are affecting not only planning and policy, but also infrastructure and service delivery—particularly during emergencies and related to community and economic development, and the governance of lands and natural resources.

All levels of government are playing a role in responding to climate change within rural and remote communities (see Table 3.6). Current research highlights the importance of federal, provincial and territorial levels of governments, as well as Indigenous governments and organizations, and international intergovernmental initiatives in supporting rural and remote communities in their adaptation efforts. It is essential that institutionalized knowledge and research institutions meaningfully engage with local and Indigenous Knowledge holders and citizen scientists to better understand and respond to the challenges of climate change. Creating and setting new policies, legislation, funding, training and technical assistance programs are important tools used by these governments and organizations (Government of Northwest Territories, 2016; Hurlbert and Pittman, 2014).

Civil society organizations, including NGOs, as well as research institutions and the private sector are also playing crucial roles. Many governments are facilitating and fostering relationships with NGOs to assist with the implementation of adaptation initiatives (Drolet and Sampson, 2017; Caldwell, 2015). Civil society organizations, along with Indigenous and municipal governments, are taking on important roles in adaptation by providing place-based solutions to climate change impacts at the local and regional level. One way that adaptation is being addressed is through collaborative watershed management, where a range of different stakeholders (e.g., governments, local public health, local conservation, landowners, community groups, etc.) work together to protect a transboundary area (Healthy Lake Huron, 2019). For example, in British Columbia, watershed organizations such as the Similkameen Valley Planning Association, Fraser Basin Council, Nechako Watershed Alliance and Columbia Basin Trust are working with governments at all levels and post-secondary, business and community partners to conduct climate change- and adaptation-related research, planning, education and monitoring (see Case Story 3.6; Horning et al., 2016a, b; Picketts et al., 2017).

Local governments and organizations in rural and remote areas—in collaboration with provincial, territorial and federal partners—are developing community-, regional- and sector-specific adaptive management plans and strategies to address climate variability and uncertainty (Warren and Lemmen, 2014; McMartin and Merino, 2014). For example, recent projections include increases in average temperature, climate variability, droughts and soil degradation in the prairie region (Bush and Lemmen, 2019), creating great uncertainty for agricultural communities. Acknowledging that adaptation depends on both the availability of resources and the capacity to utilize them, the Canada-Saskatchewan Farm Stewardship Program and Farm and Ranch Water Program were created to provide support to agricultural producers to adapt to environmental risks (Hurlbert and Pittman, 2014) (see Case Story 3.2). Similarly, in British Columbia, the Agriculture and Food Climate Action Initiative was created by the BC Agriculture Council in cooperation with federal and provincial governments to develop tools and resources that will help the agriculture sector to be more resilient in dealing with climate change (BC Agriculture and Food Climate Action Initiative, 2018).

Climate change is straining the ability of existing governance structures and institutions to respond to the social, economic, cultural and environmental impacts faced by many rural and remote communities. In light of these challenges, civil society organizations, research institutions and local businesses have emerged to fill vital gaps. Their efforts are helping to turn research, funding and expertise into practical adaptation planning within communities. To this end, rural and remote communities are engaging in a number of formal and informal governance processes that include multiple agencies in adaptation planning, policies and programs to enhance local decision-making capacity, public engagement and action (Blanco et al., 2015; Schroth et al., 2015).

Climate change poses significant governance challenges. Although collaborative forms of adaptation governance are increasingly recommended, they require considerable intergovernmental and multi-stakeholder coordination efforts (Auditor General of Canada, 2018). Responding to climate change in rural and remote communities is increasingly complex, as the associated roles and responsibilities are spread across multiple agencies, organizations and levels of government. Uncertainties related to ownership and responsibility for service delivery may have sometimes resulted in an inability to adequately respond to environmental emergencies across the country, such as floods and heat waves, which is indicative of the challenges associated with coordination (Caldwell, 2015).

There is also concern that current forms of adaptation governance may further encourage or support the downloading of additional responsibility from senior levels of government to already stretched local institutions, without their agreement and/or additional required resources. For instance, many of the provincial mechanisms for addressing climate-related disasters in rural and remote communities have been structured to rely heavily on local volunteers and community members—many of whom may come from vulnerable or marginalized populations and face heightened risks associated with natural disasters, unemployment or even forced migration, for example, and may already be dealing with personal impacts related to livelihoods, healthcare and housing (Drolet and Sampson, 2017; Caldwell, 2015). For Indigenous communities, the development of collaborative governance approaches requires particular care, trust-building and acknowledgement of Indigenous rightsholders, given Canada’s colonial legacy and its impacts on relationships and adaptive capacity (Archer et al. 2017; Pearce et al., 2015).

In addition to overcoming institutional legacies and the need for coordination, other challenges exist in developing local adaptation strategies (see Table 3.7; Climate Action Revenue Incentive Program, 2017; Yukon Legislative Assembly, 2017). Incomplete information or lack of research and evidence represents an ongoing challenge for rural and remote communities that are hoping to begin adaptation planning. While some communities in these regions have created partnerships with academic institutions and other organizations to address gaps in data collection, problem identification, monitoring and evaluation of adaptation options, these institutions are often located outside of rural and remote areas. As a result, these institutions are not always easily accessible to citizens residing in rural and remote areas who are seeking to understand, respond and adapt to climate change impacts (Harneet and Lantz, 2014). Further complicating the issue is the need for locally appropriate information, which is often lacking.

Another challenge that is facing institutions responding to climate change in rural and remote communities is balancing the need to adapt to changing environmental conditions with meeting nationally set GHG reduction targets. In many cases, GHG emission reduction targets are being weighed against economic benefits that are derived from resource development (Drolet and Sampson, 2017). When planning adaptation, the need to remain competitive while adhering to international commitments to reduce emissions and to protect against environmental degradation can further stress already stretched resources and human capacity  (Government of Canada, 2017, 2016; Yukon Legislative Assembly, 2017; Furness and Nelson, 2016; Government of Ontario, 2016; Province of New Brunswick, 2016; The Ontario Bar Association, 2015). Oxford County, Ontario has incorporated national GHG emissions reduction targets into its sustainability plan, and goes further to address some of the regional challenges it is experiencing, with the aim of building a healthier environment and population, and a vibrant economy that supports sustainability (Oxford County Council, 2015).

Regional case studies provide insights into how factors such as human and financial resources relate to local governance capacity and climate change (see Case Story 3.6). Regional governance responses to climate change, such as watershed-scale efforts in British Columbia, point to the necessity of place-specific adaptation partnerships in policy and action (Breen and Rethoret, 2018). In another example, the Qalipu First Nation in Newfoundland has been conducting a regional assessment of climate change impacts on services, health and infrastructure, which will help communities adapt. This ongoing assessment is using information collected through interviews with residents, public data and GIS, and examining issues such as water quality, vulnerability and potential for flooding in nine communities (Sullivan, 2018). Support to strengthen asset management capacity, such as that provided by the Federation of Canadian Municipalities (FCM) to Municipalities Newfoundland and Labrador (the provincial-level municipal association), is vitally important in a province where just one quarter of municipalities have more than one staff person for all municipal responsibilities (Parewick, 2018; Irvine et al., 2016). The FCM has provided critical support to such initiatives through the Municipalities for Climate Innovation Program, which assists communities in both reducing GHG emissions and adapting to climate change through capacity building (Federation of Canadian Municipalities, 2018b; Infrastructure Canada, 2018).

There has been substantial work to better understand and adapt to climate change in Canadian rural and remote communities, although many knowledge gaps remain. For instance, challenges in accessing, interpreting and applying regional climate trend data at the scales needed for decision-making are important obstacles to better understanding climate change and incorporating this understanding into all levels of governance. Gaps in the collection and analysis of local data result in a limited ability to understand and plan appropriate responses for reducing vulnerability and risk related to projected climate change impacts in communities. Other knowledge gaps include the need for information on changes in the behaviour of forest fires; baseline data about community-level water supply; identifying threats from pests, pathogens, weeds and invasive species; and the need for new or updated flood risk mapping. In particular, improved knowledge of how shoreline shape may relate to coastal flooding in different contexts would also be useful for examining vulnerability at the local level, and for informing planning and related policies (Vasseur et al., 2017). Increased knowledge of strategies for responding to these threats and to environmental emergencies is also needed (Furness and Nelson, 2016). Further studies are also needed related to climate change impacts in rural sectors such as aquaculture, mining, oil and gas, and tourism in Canada (Weatherdon et al., 2016). Overall, scientific challenges related to climate change modelling and analysis for rural and remote communities include the limited availability of locally relevant data, knowledge and expertise, as well as the associated financial resources.

While it is evident that climate change is having impacts on human health in rural and remote Canada, the extent to which these impacts are, and will continue to be, felt is not fully understood (Kipp et al., 2019; Furness and Nelson, 2016). For example, changing dynamics related to travel on ice and land have the potential to contribute to injuries experienced during transit, as landscape features become exposed, temperatures rise and ice becomes thinner. However, understanding how these changing environmental conditions may be affecting injury rates, particularly in Inuit regions that often see higher rates of unintentional injury, is still lacking (Durkalec et al., 2015). Furthermore, research is needed to determine the extent to which injuries related to climate change differ based on individual capacities, activities and roles in communities (Clark et al., 2016a, b). There is very little information available about how different social dynamics (e.g., factors such as gender, age and culture) within communities contribute to their overall capacity and ability to adapt to climate change (Reed et al., 2014). Research related to changes in demographics and social cohesion is key to understanding social capacities in rural and remote communities.

There are also knowledge gaps in the understanding of the mental health ramifications of climate change, which are closely related to the impacts of climate change on physical and environmental health (Middleton et al., 2020; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013a, b). Topics like ecological grief and anxiety (Cunsolo and Ellis, 2018) require further study to better understand their impact on different population groups. The mental health of Indigenous people and others who rely closely on the land for their culture, sustenance and livelihoods (e.g., farmers and fishers) is a particular area of concern. These groups are especially exposed to climate change impacts, although research related to their mental health and well-being in the context of climate change is limited (e.g., Middleton et al., 2020; Dodd et al., 2018; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2015; Harper et al., 2015; Cunsolo Willox et al., 2013a, b). Research on understanding how intangible losses affect different people and communities, and how best to account for these losses is similarly limited (Tschakert et al., 2019; Tschakert et al., 2017). Indeed, there is a general need to better examine the human component of climate change throughout rural and remote communities in Canada (Akkari and Bryant, 2016; Statham et al., 2015).

Research on place-based monitoring of environmental, health and social changes related to climate change and adaptation is urgently needed. More research is also needed to explore the impacts of environmental shifts on knowledge systems, language and cultural practices in rural and remote communities. Furthermore, for rural and remote Indigenous communities, mental health, sense of place and sociocultural well-being are topics that vitally require further inquiry (Durkalec et al., 2015). Despite considerable research in recent years on how climate change interacts with Inuit communities, little research has explored the long-term responses to, and experiences of, climate change in Inuit communities (Archer et al., 2017). It is also important to identify ways for better defining and including local and Indigenous Knowledge in adaptation research and action.

The importance of community governance and values in relation to adaptive capacity suggests that further questions on these issues may need to be addressed (Furness and Nelson, 2016, 256). To assess their effectiveness and efficiency in implementation, plans and policy changes aimed at addressing the issues discussed here need to be closely analyzed. Two-way communication and knowledge transfer on the nature of climate change and related policy is key to ensuring the successful implementation of such policies. Another knowledge gap relates to the effective transfer and mobilization of climate change knowledge (Akkari and Bryant, 2016; Burch and Harris, 2014; Larsen et al., 2012). In general, more research is needed to determine the most effective ways for making local and regional climate change data available, as well as information on potential impacts and adaptation options. For instance, how climate change affects decision-making for farmers is an area in need of further research, and it has been suggested that focused and regularly timed reports on climate change to farm decision-makers would be useful for adaptation and response (Akkari and Bryant, 2016). Better understanding the nature and culture of climate denial within the Canadian context might also allow for the development of more effective and targeted educational tools to assist in increasing knowledge and action around adaptation, risk reduction and GHG emissions reduction in rural and remote communities (Furness and Nelson, 2016; Stoddart and Sodero, 2015). Finally, there is a need for a better understanding of the drivers and perspectives that drive people to learn about climate change, of how effectively and quickly that learning is happening and of the impacts and potential uses of technology for learning and knowledge sharing in rural and remote communities (Archer et al., 2017; Fawcett et al., 2017).

Throughout these sections, some of the emerging climate change-related issues facing rural and remote communities in Canada have been outlined. There are significant safety concerns for communities, not only in terms of the potential impact of extreme weather events, but also related to the impacts of gradual changes in climate. From a health perspective, it is also important to better understand how climate change will affect mental health in communities, as mentioned above. Rural and remote communities are undergoing multiple social and cultural changes throughout Canada, and researchers are only beginning to understand how these intersecting changes interact with climate change and the ability of communities to adapt. For example, although some Arctic water fish stocks are growing as a result of increases in ocean temperature, there are concerns that potential new opportunities related to this may be offset by factors such as rising competition for these new resources; increased presence of industrial fishing; reduced availability of traditionally harvested species; limited management controls; and issues concerning Indigenous access and sovereignty over fish stocks in their homelands (Bindoff et al., 2019; Meredith et al., 2019; Weatherdon et al., 2016). Changes are also happening in communities related to GHG emissions reduction efforts—including shifts to low-carbon economies and a resulting growth in renewables and biofuels—which pose different challenges and opportunities, and require attention to ensure they are developed in sustainable ways and that rural and remote communities are provided with the necessary support for economic transition.

Climate change will require continued infrastructure upgrades and enhancements to services at the local level across Canada for adaptation efforts to be successful. However, these requirements come at the same time as growing infrastructure deficits, service withdrawals and demographic shifts in rural and remote communities. Governance has likewise become a core consideration in ensuring effective coping and adaptation in response to climate change. As with infrastructure and services, governance for climate change adaptation is evolving and will require local support, as community leaders continue to struggle with increasing demands from stakeholders, but with decreasing resources to meet those demands. Governance entails a complex series of relationships between different agencies across all levels of government, as well as other organizations. Communication and coordination are key to successful governance, as is ensuring that communities can lead adaptation activities with place-specific solutions. Indeed, national-level and international-level climate policy, programs and measures may not always be well suited to the circumstances of rural and remote communities. Understanding these factors and evolving dynamics will be essential to future success; they are emerging issues worthy of ongoing attention.